The Armenian Mirror –Spectator published an article by a freelance journalis, David Boyajyan, in which he writes:
“If Turkey were to open its border with Armenia and the two established diplomatic and trade relations, Turkey would still be a threat to Armenia.
Turkey would be a threat even if it were to acknowledge the Armenian Genocide, pay reparations and return stolen Armenian property. And the threat to Armenia would remain even if it someday regains its homeland which now lies in eastern Turkey.
Why? Because Turkey’s belligerent policies towards Armenians, its pan-Turkic goals in the Caucasus and Central Asia and its neo- Ottoman ambitions pose essentially the same dangers today as at the time of the genocide. And they show no sign of ever changing.
Aside from a general awareness of the genocide and present-day Turkish hostility, however, many Armenians and others are unfamiliar with key details of past and present Turkish policies. Consequently, they underestimate the dangers that Armenia faces.
Even the commonly held view that “in 1915 the Young Turk regime committed genocide against Armenians in Turkey” is dangerously misleading.
The Genocide actually lasted through 1923, five years after Turkey’s defeat in WWI. Two regimes conducted the Genocide: Ottoman Young Turk and Kemalist. The latter, of course, founded today’s “modern” Turkey. And the Genocide took place not only in “Turkey” but also, ominously, on what was and is today the territory of the Republic of Armenia.
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Some believe that acknowledgement of the Armenian Genocide would be tantamount to Turkey’s having “reformed.” That’s absurd and a serious mistake.
An acknowledgment, which would almost certainly be incomplete, insincere or reversible, could psychologically disarm Armenians into letting down their guard. By not owning up to the Genocide, therefore, Turkey may unwittingly be doing Armenians a favor.
Turkey’s actual record is one of repression, followed by mass violence, interspersed with so-called “reforms.”
In the 19th century, large-scale massacres of Armenians, particularly those of the 1890s, followed Ottoman “reforms” such as the Tanzimat (anti-discrimination decrees). The Young Turk “reform” revolution of 1908 — cheered in the beginning by Armenians, Greeks and other national groups — was followed by the 1909 Adana massacres, the 1915-23 extermination and genocidal attacks on Russian Armenia and the Republic of Armenia.
Then along came the new “reformed, modern” Turkey of 1923. It confiscated Armenian property, destroyed Armenian churches and Turkified Armenian city and village names. In 1943, Turkey unleashed its malicious Capital Tax program against Armenians, Greeks and Jews.
Later came the devastating Istanbul riots of 1955. Did we mention Turkey’s massacre of Greek Cypriot civilians and ongoing occupation of northern Cyprus? The death squads and torture chambers? The repression, deportation and massacre of Kurds and other minorities and the jailing of dissidents and journalists?
All the while, we are told that Turkey is “reforming.”
In addition to Turkey’s policies, its political leaders pose a danger because of what one may term Turkish Political Personality Syndrome.
This syndrome is on full display today in “modern” Turkey’s constant threats, chest-beat- ing, belligerence, malignant narcissism, hypocrisy, extortion, despotism, cruelty, crude- ness, lies, broken pledges and, of course, the use of violence.
The countless victims of Turkish violence down through the centuries are proof of Turkish leaders’ disordered state of mind.
There is little indication that either Turkey’s policies toward Armenians or their leaders’ disorder will ever change. Indeed, they may grow more threatening.
Yet, Armenians still hope that Turkey will change. How to make them aware that the Turkish threat is here to stay? Education.
Young people will, of course, become the adults who conduct the political, economic, cultural and military affairs of Armenia. They must be equipped intellectually and psychologically to deal with Turkey.
From a young age, Armenian students must study — but not in Turkish schools — Turkish history, geopolitics and language and their application to present-day Armenian-Turkish relations.
The Turkish political personality and its violent and deceitful tendencies must be dissected and understood.
This is not easy, for two reasons. First, Armenians are bombarded by pro-Turkish and “reconciliation” propaganda from around the world and even by some Armenians. Second, we Armenians are unlike Turks and often have difficulty understanding their political culture.
Ultimately, future generations of Armenians will have to choose whom to believe. Will it be the allegedly “reformed, modern” Turkey? The international media that kowtows to Turkey? Countries that historically have betrayed Armenia?
Or will Armenians learn from the past and the hard-earned wisdom of their forebears?
Their decision may determine whether Armenia lives or dies.”